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Investigators and prosecutors should have an objective and rational understanding of the nature of child pornography. Based on what they do with the child pornography, offenders can be divided into one or more categories of producer, receiver, distributor, and possessor. There is no legal requirement that collectors of it be physically molesting children, making money, part of organized crime, or totally "evil" sexual predators. There is no legal requirement that the children portrayed in it be abducted, suffering in pain, nonconsenting, or totally "good" victims. Investigators and prosecutors must be able to professionally address the subject matter of deviant sexual behavior. This usually requires a willingness to view at least a reasonable quantity of the images being prosecuted. It is hard for investigators, prosecutors, judges, and juries to make legal decisions about something they refuse to look at. Some of the possible criteria to consider in a child-pornography case not involving production include Amount of time and energy put into it by the subject Size of the collection Format. In dividing recovered pornography collections between adult and child, many investigators and prosecutors use the appearance of secondary sex characteristics. Although this may 112 - Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis be expedient, it is not consistent with the law. I also believe the category system for child pornography developed by Taylor and Quayle to help society understand the wide diversity of conduct portrayed in child pornography, has been misused by the criminal-justice system as a scale of harm/seriousness (Taylor and Quayle, 2003). Whatever prosecutive criteria is developed and used it should be communicated and consistent. If a case meets the set-forth criteria, the investigator should have a reasonable expectation the case will be prosecuted. The criteria, however, should be viewed as policy with some degree of flexibility. The policy should reflect what is usually done and not necessarily what is always done. In order to evaluate child pornography or determine what and how many prosecutive criteria it meets, investigators and prosecutors must have facts and details. Many of those facts and details are best obtained from executing a valid search warrant or obtaining consent to search. For some reason many prosecutors seem to believe executing such a search warrant should be the final step in the investigation. They want all the answers to the evaluation and prosecutive criteria before the search when, in fact, many of the answers will come from the search itself. The execution of the search warrant and subsequent search should be viewed not as the last step, but simply one step in the investigation. Summary and Recommendations the term pornography brings with it a great deal of emotional baggage. Adult pornography is essentially a subjective, judgmental term with little legal meaning. Child pornography is essentially a term with legal meaning often discussed using various subjective definitions. A wide variety of individuals may refer to things such as narratives about sex with children, images of fully dressed children, and advertisements portraying children as child pornography. Thanks in part to me, there is also a great deal of confusion over the term child erotica. Linking child pornography and adult pornography is not an effective approach to addressing the problem of child pornography. Addressing any public-policy concern, however, necessarily requires an attempt to quantify its impact. It is important to recognize that the child-pornography problem involves a myriad of unquantifiable aspects such as the Internet. Emphasizing young children forced into the activity increases the shame and guilt of child victims who engaged in compliant behavior and decreases the likelihood of disclosure by them. Such distortions may even cause investigators and prosecutors to conclude that sexually explicit images of older, smiling children are not "really" Public Awareness and Prevention Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis - 113 child pornography.

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Much less acceptable are those cases in which the child willingly traded sex for material rewards. Almost totally unacceptable to many, including some child-abuse professionals, are those cases in which the child engaged in the sexual activity with an adult because the child enjoyed the sex. These societal and criminal-justice preferences prevail in spite of the fact almost all human beings trade sex for attention, affection, privileges, gifts, or money. Many seduced child victims may inaccurately claim they were afraid, ignorant, or indoctrinated in part to Meet the societal preferences for such compliance, manipulation, or cooperation Avoid embarrassment Any of the above scenarios in various combinations are certainly possible. A child might cooperate in some sexual acts and be clearly threatened or forced into others. Investigators and prosecutors should always attempt to determine what actually happened, not to confirm their preconceived beliefs about sexual victimization of children. Most acquaintance-exploitation cases involve victims who are seduced or engaged in compliant behavior. Even if they do seem to understand, the law is still supposed to protect them from adult sexual partners. Can the same 15-year-old be considered both a "child" and an "adult" in the criminal-justice system Offender Strategies Control Maintaining control is important in the ongoing sexual exploitation of children. It takes a significant amount of ability, cunning, and interpersonal skill to maintain a simultaneous sexual relationship with multiple partners. It is especially difficult if you have the added pressure of concealing illegal behavior. In order to avoid detection and disclosure, an offender must know how to control and manipulate children. Also as previously stated these techniques must also be adjusted for the varying developmental stages, needs, and vulnerabilities of children of different ages. The Seduction Process For a longer term relationship the seduction process is the most effective control technique. An overview of this process was set forth in the chapter titled "Definitions" beginning on page 13. The seduction process begins when the offender finds or sees a potential victim who fits his age, gender, and other preferences. Child molesters, however, can and do have sex with children and sometimes with adults who may not fit their preferences. A child molester may be experimenting or unable to find a child who fits his preference. Child molesters who prefer adolescent boys sometimes become involved with adolescent girls as a method of arousing or attracting the boys. In addition child molesters may not molest some children to whom they have access and opportunity because the children did not meet their preferences or were not vulnerable to their advances or seduction techniques. Through practice, many child molesters have developed a real knack for spotting the vulnerability in each potential victim. Other offenders may have access to school, medical, mentalhealth, or court records. Almost any child can be seduced, but the most vulnerable children tend to be those who come from dysfunctional homes or are victims of emotional neglect. The seduction process takes place over time and usually requires ongoing access to the targeted child. Some molesters may even start grooming a potential victim long before the child has reached his age preference. The offender will sometimes pretend romantic interest in the mother or express a desire to be a father figure or mentor for her child. The relationship with the mother can be used as a cover for his interest in children, and her child can be used as bait to lure or gain access to other children. Once a molester has put in the time and effort to seduce a child, he will be reluctant to give up access to the child until he is finished with the child.

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The rise of baby media led to new and heated debates among the public, especially in the United States. As we discuss later in this book, research so far has not found any evidence that developmentally appropriate media content is harmful to very young children. The dawn of the new millennium saw a third trend, one that has irrevocably turned the field of youth and media on its head: social media. The concerns raised by social media were broader than those raised by television and games. In addition to fears about exposing children to violence, sex, or frightening content, social media raised concerns about online social interaction. Would social media cause children to grow up lonely, socially inept, and sexually out of control The first research on the social effects of the Internet was published in the United States in 1998. The study did not actually investigate the effects of the Internet, because at the time of data collection hardly any participating families had access to it. At that time, the Internet was primarily the domain of early adopters, and only a small percentage of children were online. The results of these studies revealed a more nuanced picture than many expected, which led researchers to ask more questions about social media, including their influence on self-esteem, social skills, online sexual risk behavior, and cyberbullying. In the last few years, the subject of youth and media has branched out more than ever. Although most empirical research in the 1990s was done among preschoolers and children, the rise of new media has brought two additional age groups into the picture: toddlers, as a result of baby media, and teenagers, as a result of social media. Along with studying children and youth from a wider age range, researchers have broadened their research foci. They no longer primarily study the potential risks of media for youth but, more than ever, also recognize the potential opportunities of media. For example, in addition to asking whether early media use may be detrimental to brain development, contemporary researchers try to determine whether early use of educational apps may bolster learning. In the same vein, researchers studying online peer interaction are interested in not just cyberbullying, but also whether social media may provide a place for teens to practice and develop their social skills. And thus, the best contribution researchers can offer is to identify ways to ensure that these media are healthfully incorporated into their lives. In parallel with this rapid growth in the variety of ages and topics studied, the academic area of youth and media has become more institutionalized. In 2007, the successful interdisciplinary Journal of Children and Media was launched, which specializes in both cultural studies and media psychology. Last, we have seen the success of several academic research centers around the world. With more than twenty researchers studying topics including media multitasking, game addiction, cyberbullying, and the opportunities of digital media, CcaM and centers like it have become interdisciplinary hubs for empirical research on the complex relationship between youth and media. Second, news stories often focus on extreme incidents, such as cyberbullying cases and online sexual predators. Third, journalists frequently quote clinical experts such as pediatricians and psychiatrists as a means of lending expert credibility to the topics. Yet these clinical experts often speak from their daily experience with atypical kids, who do not represent the average child or adolescent. Finally, journalistic coverage of youth and media issues often misses the nuance of research findings, opting instead for a clean, simplistic, and often alarming sound bite. These mechanisms mean that popular science books with negative messages tend to attract significant public interest. Books such as iBrain, by the American psychologist Gary Small, Digital Dementia, by the German psychiatrist Manfred Spitzer, and Alone Together, by Sherry Turkle, appeal to the moral panic that our children are losing their innocence, sense of decency, memory, or ability to maintain social relationships because of their use of new technologies. Enthusiasm about technological progress goes hand in hand with fear or even aversion of the same progress. With the aid of the written word, Socrates opined, students would no longer have to do their best to remember something all by themselves, and would appear pseudo-wise rather than truly wise: "[Writing] will produce forgetfulness in the minds of those who learn to use it, because they will not practice their memory. Their trust in writing, produced by external characters that are no part of themselves, will discourage the use of their own memory within them. But this is not the picture that emerges from empirical research on youth and media.

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What most children find difficult at this age is to distinguish fiction (soaps, comedies with real-life actors) from reality. For example, they think that actors in a television sitcom have the same occupations in real life, and that onscreen families are real families offscreen. With formal school entry, they become slightly less dependent on their parents, particularly with regard to their playtime and media use. Thanks to formal education, children in this age group begin to read on their own, and they possess a vocabulary that is large enough to allow for detailed communication with adults. For example, while a three-year-old can concentrate on a single activity for a maximum of twenty minutes (and even then is easily distracted), a five-year-old can concentrate on a favorite activity for up to an hour. As a result, they can watch longer media content (for example, feature-length films) and can concentrate on games for quite some time. For example, if they are given a new board game, their first aim is to learn the rules. In our data from a large sample of Dutch children, for example, we found that young elementary schoolchildren spend an average of slightly more than two hours a day watching television or movies, playing games, or reading. Children of this age begin to incorporate electronic games (about thirty minutes a day) into their media diet, and spend a similar amount of time reading books or comic books (twenty-five minutes), either on their own or with their parents reading to them. There is little difference in the amount of time that boys and girls spend on media, although boys spend slightly more time (thirty minutes) than girls (twenty-two minutes) per day playing electronic games. This is not particularly surprising, since it is more likely that content preferences would differ by gender than by media exposure amounts. Indeed, similar patterns have been found for children of this age throughout many industrialized countries; estimates suggest that these children spend roughly two hours a day with media, of which the greatest portion of time is typically spent with television or films. From age five upward, thanks to their rapid linguistic development and growing ability to interact with others, they begin to show more interest in verbal humor such as riddles, word games, and mislabeled objects and events. Moreover, they begin to appreciate humor based on conceptual incongruities, for example, an exaggeration or a distortion of a familiar situation or event (for example, "What do you get when you mix a cow and a duck Children as young as three imitate "dirty" words, but from about age five they start to use them more consciously and incorporate them into their humor. Jokes about human excrement will make many a child howl with laughter, explaining why books such as Walter the Farting Dog and Everyone Poops are international best sellers. These children prefer content that is faster and more complex, relies on less friendly characters, and uses more adventurous contexts, such as unexplored islands or alien planets. At the same time, children lose interest in educational television for preschoolers such as Sesame Street and Dora the Explorer, boys somewhat sooner than girls. Why are young elementary schoolchildren strongly attracted to fast-paced and action-packed entertainment As a result, they search for more challenging (that is, faster and more action-packed) entertainment to meet their newly developed cognitive needs. Moreover, this type of entertainment offers them all the things that they love: action, physical humor, and moving "toys" in the form of cartoon or animated characters. Another explanation is that the action and (occasional) violence in such entertainment programs can function as rebellion against the restrictions that adults impose on children. By identifying with superheroes, children can pretend that they too are big and strong, and the feeling this gives them is pleasurable. This process of wishful identification allows children to feel strong and powerful at a time when they are struggling with everyday problems that they cannot immediately resolve. Remember the moderate discrepancy hypothesis, whereby children are mostly attracted to media content that is moderately discrepant from their own experiences Whereas peers are important in early childhood, peers and the corresponding social interactions among them become indispensable for young elementary schoolchildren. Thus, it is not surprising that as peers become increasingly important in daily life, children express an increased interest in peer and social interaction in media content. This particular interest continues to grow throughout preadolescence and adolescence.

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Table 3-9 presents many of the methods that have been applied to achieve wastewater flow reduction. Wastewater flow reduction resulting from eliminating wasteful water use habits will vary greatly depending on past water use habits. The easiest ways to reduce wastewater flows from indoor water use are to properly maintain plumbing fixtures and repair leaks when they occur. Leaks that appear to be insignificant, such as leaking toilets or dripping faucets, can generate large volumes of wastewater. Even apparently very slow leaks, such as a slowly dripping faucet, can generate 15 to 20 gallons (57 to 76 liters) of wastewater per day. Recent interest in water conservation has been driven in some areas by the absence of adequate source water supplies and in other areas by a desire to minimize the need for expensive wastewater treatment. Several states have also implemented specific water conservation practices Eliminating extraneous flows Excessive water use can be reduced or eliminated by several methods, including modifying water use habits and maintaining the plumbing system appropriately. Several toilet designs that use reduced volumes of water for proper operation have been developed. Though studies have shown an increased number of flushes with reduced-flow toilets, potential savings of up to 10 gallons/person/day (37. Table 3-11 contains information on water carriage toilets and systems; table 3-12 contains information on nonwater-carriage toilets. The reader is cautioned that not all fixtures perform well in every application and that certain alternatives might not be acceptable to the public. The volume of water used for bathing varies considerably based on individual habits. Table 3-13 provides an overview of showering devices available to reduce wastewater flows associated with shower use. A low-flow showerhead can reduce water flow through the shower by 2 or 3 gallons/minute (0. Indoor water use can also be reduced by installing flow reduction devices or faucet aerators at sinks and basins. Table 3-14 provides a summary of wastewater flow reduction devices that can be applied to water use at faucets. For example, a reduction in pressure from 80 pounds per square inch (psi) (414 cm Hg) to 40 psi (207 cm Hg) can reduce the flow rate through a fully opened faucet by about 40 percent. Reduced pressure has little effect on the volume of water used by fixtures that operate on a fixed volume of water, such as toilets and washing machines, but it can reduce wastewater flows from sources controlled by the user. Methods that may be applied for reducing pollutant mass loads include modifying product selection, improving user habits, and eliminating or modifying certain fixtures. Household products containing toxic compounds, commonly referred to as "household hazardous waste," should be disposed of properly to minimize threats to human health and the environment. Reducing water pressure Reducing water pressure is another method for reducing wastewater flows. The flow rate at faucets and showers is directly related to the water pressure in the water supply line. The maximum water flow from a fixture operating on a fixed setting can be Table 3-14. Some of these products contribute significant quantities of pollutants to wastewater flows. For example, bathing, clothes washing, and dish washing contribute large amounts of sodium to wastewater. Before manufacturers reformulated detergents, these activities accounted for more than 70 percent of the phosphorus in residential flows. Efforts to protect water quality in the Chesapeake Bay, Great Lakes, and major rivers across the nation led to the first statewide bans on phosphorus in detergents in the 1970s, and other states issued phosphorus bans throughout the 1980s. The new low-phosphorus detergents have reduced phosphorus loadings to wastewater by 40 to 50 percent since the 1970s. The impacts associated with the daily use of household products can be reduced by providing public education regarding the environmental impacts of common household products. Through careful selection of cleaning agents and chemicals, pollution impacts on public health and the environment associated with their use can be reduced.

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